The UN Human
Rights Council:
Where Do We Go from Here?
Andrew Galea Debono
Consultant, CHRI
Last year, United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan had a dream: to see a
major overhaul of the main UN human rights mechanisms in order to make
them more effective. His report, “In Larger Freedom”, proposed a number of
drastic and important changes, and was presented to the world leaders during
the New York summit in September 2005. It was an important and timely
document, but many politicians around the world were not so delighted by the
prospect of changing a situation which was convenient for them: a new strong
human rights body for the UN would step on too many governments' toes.
Despite this resistance,
it was nevertheless obvious that the old and ineffective Human
Rights Commission needed to be significantly changed. The resulting
draft resolution proposed a new Human Rights Council, but one
that was a watered-down version of what Annan had envisioned.
On 15 March 2006, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted
the draft resolution that created the Human Rights Council in
replacement of the Commission. While the new Council has been
welcomed by many, other observers remain skeptical about the true
effectiveness of these reforms.
The Commission
had been frequently accused of being ineffective and not making
a true difference in countries facing a major human rights crisis.
In all fairness though, the Commission did contribute certain
positive measures during its existence - such as giving the world
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other instruments
of international human rights law. It had also adopted international
human rights law standards on thematic issues such as children,
torture and minorities. On the other hand, the Commission had
shamefully failed to act during the genocides in Rwanda, Burundi
and the former Yugoslavia.
A key advancement
of the Council was meant to be the new election procedure for
members. This procedure aimed at preventing the election of major
human rights violators such as Zimbabwe, Libya or Sudan which
had previously been members of the Commission and had created
obstacles for its effectiveness. The 47 members of the Council
were elected on 9 May 2006, directly and individually in the General
Assembly by secret ballot. Candidates needed to win an absolute
majority of at least 96 votes, which stood in contrast to Kofi
Annan’s proposal of a much safer two-thirds majority vote to better
exclude major human rights violators.
Unfortunately,
this hope received a bad blow when a number of countries with
a worrying human rights track record were elected. While no country
is perfect, certain countries have proven to be particularly serious
and persistant violators. Countries such as China, Saudi Arabia,
Cuba, Sri Lanka, Cameroon, Pakistan, Tunisia and Bangladesh all
have very negative human rights records and have recently been
harshly criticised by the international community. For example,
until recently Pakistan was suspended from the Commonwealth for
not abiding by the Harare Principles, which includes human rights.
According to Freedom Houses annual survey of political rights
and civil liberties, together with the global press freedom index
of Reporters Without Borders, 47% of the countries on the new
Council failed to meet accepted democratic standards. Whilst
this is an 8% improvement over the old Commission, it is still
not a big enough improvement to put anyones mind at rest.
Another worrying fact is that more than half of the nations on
the Council have voted at the UN to oppose resolutions protecting
the victims of the Darfur atrocities. There is a fear that countries
with a poor human rights record will hinder the work of the Council
in an attempt to cover up their own wrongdoings.
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